Cultural Practices that Affect Health Essay Example for Free

Cultural Practices that Affect Health EssayThe Community Health Nurse (CHN), an individual who works outside of the hospital setting and typically with a specific community to provide basic health apportion systems ( wholly Nursing Schools, 2009) can be perceived as the bridge to address the gap between western medicine and cultural traditions. In cases when cultural practices cause physical harm and health happens, the CHN can be the tool to provide propoundation and recrudesce individuals to inform them of the tangible health risks and often permanent damages caused by such practices. What is also important to acknowledge is that there is an imminent health risk that needs to be addressed.According to Megan Costello (2004), in an article about female circumcision, sometimes making a practice illegal does not serve as a good enough deterrent. Costello (2004) explains that what people need is more information to understand the health risks and the unwarranted, in terms of pe rceived health benefit, practice. In wedlock African countries, an average of 94 percent of women are subjected to female circumcision (Brigham and Womens Hospital, 2008). In the United States there are an estimated 228,000 girls and women at risk of female circumcision (Brigham and Womens Hospital, 2008).The CHN through community agencies or organizations can work to create care systems that give facilitate the dissemination of information. The CHN can effect policy change that will bring health care to the disadvantage populations or minority groups, such as refugees, who may have little understanding of western health care systems. Essentially, to address the gap between large health care institution and individual members of small communities, the CHN has the task of developing a system that will inform members of these groups of the serious harm caused by their practices.Similarly, the CHN through the same system can protect the young adults often subjected to these tradition al practices. In the case of female circumcision, Bien Aime of equivalence Now (quoted in Costello, 2004) says, people need education. We need people on the ground who have access to girls and young women at risk, to help them understand that not only is this procedure against the law, but also that there are harmful effects. As more and more cultures and ethnic backgrounds are assimilated through migration activities there is a need to provide health care that is culturally competent.The CHN becomes integral in the task of providing adequate care to all individuals with equity regardless of cultural or ethnic backgrounds through a sensitive approach. In cases where the cultural practice causes permanent injuries and prolonged negative complications to health the CHN can contribute to changing these practices. References All Nursing Schools. (2009). Become a Community Health Nurse. All Nursing Schools. Retrieved March 7, 2009, from http//www. allnursingschools.com/faqs/community- health-nurse. php Brigham and Womens Hospital. (2008). African Womens Health Center. Brigham and Womens Hospital. Retrieved March 7, 2009 from http//www. brighamandwomens. org/africanwomenscenter/FGCprevalence. aspx and http//www. brighamandwomens. org/africanwomenscenter/education. aspx? subID=submenu4 Costello, A. (2004, February 19). ii in U. S. Accused of Genital Mutilation. Womens E News. Retrieved March 7, 2009 from http//www. womensenews. org/article. cfm/dyn/aid/1718

The characters Essay Example for Free

The characters EssayHarry Burns A complete slob and a brooding pessimist with a grim sense of humor. Sally Albright Shes cheerful, organized, and optimistic. The set-up The two main characters, Harry Burns and Sally Albright, dislike each other immediately. Shes cheerful, organized, and optimistic. He is a complete slob and a brooding pessimist with a grim sense of humor. Not long after meeting, they are stuck with each other on a long car trip from Chicago to New York City. To pass the time, Harry asks Sally to tell him the story of her flavor. The scene Harry So. since we keep a long journey and I have all the time in the world. Tell me about your life. Your entire life story. Sally My life story? why would somevirtuoso like you be interested in knowing my story? Harry I am not interested. I just want to act away some time. Sally emm well, my life has nothing that interesting to talk about. Harry I thought so ur like one of those high maintenance snooty new york execs Sally No, Im not snootyI am organized, I love my friends and care for my family. I dont need to be judged by a slob like you. Harry ohhhhhhh Somebodys offended. Sally Ass holes like you speak up just because you can throw down a few drinks, and nail some slut at a swanky bar, your life must be wild I despise people like you, mister Harry You despise us because you can never have what we have. Sally We can have everything you have and much more. We just choose not to Sally Im going to sleep now I cant take whatever more of your noiseEnd of scene What does this exercise tell you about occupy dialogue and what makes it work most effectively? This exercise tells us that film dialogue needs to short. Not too long. It can be unexpected and doesnt necessarily need to have logic. Does it suggest that dialogue in films is contrastive from dialogue in literature and drama? Yes, I do believe dialogue in films is different from dialogue in literature and drama because in literature and drama the dialogues can be a little longer.But in films where each scene is about 2 minutes or less. Its important to keep it short and sweet. In what ways is film dialogue close to or different from real-life conversation? Film dialogue is quite identical to real life conversation but unnecessary text may need to be cut out and all the lines would need to make an match quickly to keep the audience interested. Since it needs to look real like the actors are actually having a conversation. It does have similar features of a real life conversation.

Relationship Between Racist Symbols and Prejudice

Relationship Between Racist Symbols and PrejudicePre-test measuresImage and question selection was twofold, primarily, the author set possible images against three criteria political, general and racial, selected from a general cross-section of images located on internet sites identified by the search race hate groups dust coat supremacy and political symbols. Various Discussion groups were then facilitated, one prisoners and one civilian group1. The dual grouping was to negate any prisoner only twine. twenty selected images were boastinged in severally of the three categories to each group pitchforkly. The means of display was in a room which had reduced lighting and the individual images being intercommunicate onto screen. A semi-structured discussion then followed with the facilitator noting each image, which appeared to raise awareness or bet within the group. The images selected for treatment use were seven racial, five political (with a balance between parties) and t wo general (see appendix A). Further discussion groups with different prisoners and civilians incorporating a variety of closed and open-ended questions being tabled around a different selection of images, which were similar in design to those already selected for use in the experiment. The resolutions from within these groups were noted as to which questions appeared to raise awareness or interest from each pilot group. Thus the questions selected wereThree outdos were utilise as outcome measures in this experimentBritish Prejudice outperform The British Prejudice Scale (BPS) (Lepore Brown, 1997) is the amalgamation of several existing instruments the Modern Racism Scale, the New Racism Scale and the Subtle and Blatant Prejudice Scale. The authors subtly altered these scales post-amalgamation to make them prehend for white British respondents. The scale is designed as a general measure of anti-black prejudice. This scale was chosen because it contains a substantial component of anti-immigration, anti-foreigner sentiment. This sentiment most approximates out-group hostility, distance and perceived worldview threats that are central to the theoretical argument being developed in this thesis. The internal consistency for this scale is heights, Cronbach a=.92 (Lepore Brown, 1997).The scale consists of 15 questions answered on a scale from 1 7 (strongly agree to strongly disagree) and are summed indicating a range from 15 (high prejudice) to 105 (low prejudice). Thus a respondent scoring lower on this scale will be deemed more racist than a person with a high score. favorable Dominance taste Scale The Social Dominance Orientation Scale (SDO) (Pratto, Sidanius, St wholeworth Malle, 1994), measures individual differences in the extent to which respondents prefer inequality among kind groups. There are four separate versions of this scale the 16-item scale has been selected for use in these experiments to allow other measures to be included. According t o the scales authors, SDO is not a direct measure of racial attitudes, but, like authoritarianism, is a focal part of social ideology that predicts a wide range of political and racial attitudes. The measure has strong internal consistency, Cronbach a= .84 (Pratto et al., 1994). SDO conceptualises the importance of racial and political attitudes and therefore will be a direct measure of racial attitudes. It is purported that a person high in SDO will quite in all probability develop a negative attitude towards some group that is low in status or prestige. Further indications are that for those respondents high in SDO display a tendency to favour hierarchical relationships within groups and suggest an alignment of superior-inferior dimensions. According to the authors, individuals high in SDO accept legitimising myths that include racial and ethnic prejudice, nationalism, patriotism, breakup between high and low culture, sexism, meritocracy and political conservatism (Pratto et all. , 1994). Scale items are scored on a 1-7 (very positive to very negative) scale and scores are averaged crosswise items. Thus a respondent scoring higher on this scale would indicate a stronger social dominance orientation or more attached to racist thinking than a person with lower scores. Selection of this scale was important to the study because those high in SDO display out-group hostility or denigration and would therefore likely seek to ensure a greater social distance from members of those out-groups. In addition the scale has been designed to independently indicate racial discrimination as apart from traditional political ideology.Social Distance Scale The Social Distance Scale (SDS) (Bogardus, 1933) was designed to measure the extent to which people penury to keep a distance and avoid intimate contact between themselves and people from different racial, ethnic, national or social groups. The scale has a high internal consistency, with Cronbach a greater than .90 (Kleg Yamamoto, 1995, Mielenz, 1997, Osei-Kwame Achola, 1981). The scale consists of measuring first feeling reactions to a list of social, racial, ethnic and national groups ranging from regarding distant social contact (e.g., as visitors to ones country) to the most intimate (e.g., as a family member by marriage). In Bogarduss original scoring method (1933) a low score on this scale indicates the person is less inclusive or welcoming of out-group members than those respondents with a high score. Unlike the British Prejudice Scale and the Social Dominance Orientation Scales, which apply closed-ended questions and Likert scales, the Social Distance Scale design is based on the uni dimensional Guttman-type scale. Clear written instructions on how to respond to the questionnaire and each scale were provided to all respondent prior to each scale.The British Prejudice Scale and the Social Dominance Orientation Scales being of the closed question style were pre-coded and the response sets we re in a Likert scale, this allowing for ease of analysis. The Social Distance Scale design is based on the uni-dimensional Guttman-type scale, with increasing levels of intimacy. Clear written instructions on how to respond to the questionnaire and each scale were provided to all respondent prior to each scale. The main body of the questionnaire, as previously noted, was pre-determined by the use of existing scales.Consideration at this set was given to a methodology of image presentation, due to the social undesirability of racial comments, and it was further considered unlikely that respondents would answers openly and honestly if they were fully aware that they were being questioned rough racist attitudes. Furthermore, fully informed consent was not realistic prior to the experiment. The selected scales were already of a political nature by being measurements of political attitudes. The scales used dictated the information required, therefore consideration only had to be given to the construction, format ordering and filler questions required to ensure the deception was successful.The filler questions were selected by using a pre-general election governmental questionnaire2 . It has been acknowledged that the style of question can bring the reported response, thus this method, by which elimination of any bias from the researcher is effected was deemed the most appropriate methodology. The questions were subsequently piloted,3 with random introduction, the facilitator noting the level to which questions appeared to lead or invoke discussion or a better response from the group members. These questions were then used to fill the questionnaire and disguise the real intention of the measure.The design of the questionnaire was against two specific criteria, simplicity of administration and level of cognition of mean recipients prisoners. Instructions and layout were deliberately simple with additional concentration on ensuring the design was short, thus ensu ring a minimisation of respondent fatigue and high response rate. The demographics were selected to lay length in prison, first or further prison sentence, number of previous prison sentences, age and level of education, thus allowing for statistical tests for possible influence or bias.Post-test measuresThe study investigated whether exposure to racist signs and symbols impacted participants scores on measures associated with hate and prejudice. The hypothesis was tested in seven different ways, firstly against the British Prejudice Scale, which was designed as a measure of anti-black prejudice Secondly, against the Social Dominance Orientation Scale, the Social Dominance Orientation Scale conceptualising the importance of racial and political attitudes, therefore being a direct measure of racial attitudes. The next five tests of the hypothesis were sub-components of the Social Distance Scale which measures the extent by which people want to keep a distance and avoid increasing am ounts of intimate contact between themselves and people from different racial, ethnic, national or social groups.A Man-Whitney U4 test was conducted to determine whether the experimental and the control groups were comparable, on the demographic information from the sample. The demographic variables used in this experiment were length in prison (time spent in present establishment), first time in prison (whether or not this was a first custodial sentence), previous times in prison (number of previous custodial sentences), length of sentence (length of present custodial sentence), age and education. Independent t-tests were also conducted using the British Prejudice Scale, and the various elements of the Social Distance Scale scores. In order to take into account multiple testing, a Bonferroni adjustment5 was also calculated. Analyses of covariance6 were considered but no variances in dependant variables were apparent.HypothesisThe simple hypothesis of this research is that viewing racist signs and symbols increases prejudice against out-groups and factors associated with racism and hate.FINDINGSBritish Prejudice ScaleOn average, the control group scored significantly higher on the British Prejudice Scale (M= 64.67, SD= 16.41) than the experiment group (M= 36.68, SD= 18.46). The results of the test were significant (t(126) = 9.08, p=